Category: research

  • Paper review: Mental Health Outcomes in Transgender and Nonbinary Youths Receiving Gender-Affirming Care

    On Reddit I am, when I express my disappointment with the state of research on “gender-affirming” treatments for adolescents with gender dysphoria, at times given long lists of studies that purport to demonstrate the effectiveness of puberty blockers (PBs) and “gender-affirming” hormones (GAHs). These lists are so long that if I were to review each study, it would constitute the literature review for a PhD. I don’t have that kind of time, but I want to share my assessment of a few of these articles as I take them on. This represents my current thinking and, as always, is subject to change.

    One such list of studies recently referenced “Mental Health Outcomes in Transgender and Nonbinary Youths Receiving Gender-Affirming Care” by Tordoff, Wanta, and Collin, et al., JAMA Network Open Vol. 5. No. 2., 15 Feb 2022. This post is a review of that article, offered as illustrative of the weaknesses I have seen in this literature so far.

    Findings  In this prospective cohort of 104 TNB youths aged 13 to 20 years, receipt of gender-affirming care, including puberty blockers and gender-affirming hormones, was associated with 60% lower odds of moderate or severe depression and 73% lower odds of suicidality over a 12-month follow-up.

    The word “associated” is important. This indicates a statistical correlation, not a causal finding. Looking at the paper, we see that it is a “prospective” study in which outcomes of depression, anxiety, and suicidality were followed over time relative to the beginning of treatment at a gender clinic. The treatment was “receipt of gender-affirming care, including puberty blockers and gender-affirming hormones”. The key result:

    By the end of the study, 69 youths (66.3%) had received PBs, GAHs, or both interventions, while 35 youths had not received either intervention (33.7%). After adjustment for temporal trends and potential confounders, we observed 60% lower odds of depression and 73% lower odds of suicidality among youths who had initiated PBs or GAHs compared with youths who had not.

    There is an attempt through statistical analysis to compensate for the fact that without randomization of the treatment group, there would be a bias between those who received and did not receive the puberty blockers and hormones which could itself explain the difference in outcomes. Income, race, sex, gender identity, etc. are all potentially included in the models.

    A few issues arise on close inspection.

    First, versus an actual experiment, observational studies of this sort are vulnerable to the possibility of confounding variables which were not thought of at time of analysis, or on which data was not collected when the study was run, affecting the outcome. One commenter suggests physical activity, BMI, and similar as likely confounders; the paper itself suggests psychotropic medications as a potential confounder. None of these are included in the analysis, nor any others anyone else might think up. With a randomized experiment, the possibility of such confounding variables is eliminated.

    Second, I will highlight the “adjustment for temporal trends” mentioned in the limitations section. First, I mistook this for adjusting for seasonal trends, such as a tendency for people to be more depressed in the winter. However, this is not the case. Temporal trends refer to the differences in outcome at the different followup times (initial visit, 3 months after, 6 months after, 12 months after). How the “adjustment” is done is not detailed in the article. This is of interest because the key findings only arise after this “adjustment”; there would be no paper if not for the difference it makes. The lack of explicit detail on the procedure is concerning. The names of the two primary modes of analysis (“Model 1” and “Model 2”) seem symptomatic of a search for significant results by modifying the analysis, rather than the more robust approach of pre-registering an analysis and sticking to it.

    Other issues are given in the “Limitations” section of the paper:

    Our findings should be interpreted in light of the following limitations. This was a clinical sample of TNB youths, and there was likely selection bias toward youths with supportive caregivers who had resources to access a gender-affirming care clinic. Family support and access to care are associated with protection against poor mental health outcomes, and thus actual rates of depression, anxiety, and suicidality in nonclinical samples of TNB youths may differ. Youths who are unable to access gender-affirming care owing to a lack of family support or resources require particular emphasis in future research and advocacy. Our sample also primarily included White and transmasculine youths, limiting the generalizability of our findings. In addition, the need to reapproach participants for consent and assent for the 12-month survey likely contributed to attrition at this time point. There may also be residual confounding because we were unable to include a variable reflecting receipt of psychotropic medications that could be associated with depression, anxiety, and self-harm and suicidal thought outcomes. Additionally, we used symptom-based measures of depression, anxiety, and suicidality; further studies should include diagnostic evaluations by mental health practitioners to track depression, anxiety, gender dysphoria, suicidal ideation, and suicide attempts during gender care.

    The obvious bias in the selection of people first into the clinic and then into the treatments is the greatest weakness of this study, for reasons the researchers themselves describe.

    I highlight the word advocacy as it indicates that the researchers are not disinterested observers, but rather already believe “gender-affirming” treatment of dysphoric youth is a righteous cause. Researcher bias is a significant concern, see Ioannidis’ seminal paper, Why Most Published Research Findings are False. Teams which have a stance of advocacy rather than objectivity are more likely to choose methods which favor their preferred outcome.

    They also indicate that there was attrition on the 12-month followup, meaning participants stopped responding to surveys. This could indicate that those whose treatment did not lead them to feel happier declined to participate for fear of disappointing the (surely very friendly and helpful) clinic staff.

    Finally, as mentioned above, the study authors point out that use of psychiatric medications was not a variable they analyzed. So any benefit received (whether through placebo or other effect) from antidepressants for example is not accounted for.

    The placebo effect hangs over this study in general. The placebo effect is the tendency for people to improve simply because they believe the treatment they receive is effective. This study’s results could be explained purely by placebo effect. The belief that “the gender clinic will help you” and that suppressing puberty and taking opposite-sex hormones will help is widespread among those seeking treatment for gender dysphoria at gender clinics—the self-selected population from which this study’s participants are drawn. In a sense, a placebo effect would mean that the treatment really is effective; but if it’s due to placebo, then the long-term consequences of suppressing puberty and taking opposite-sex hormones are hard to justify.

    Another possibility unaccounted for by this study is simply regression to the mean. The study begins with a significant portion of participants experiencing “severe” depression, and the greatest effects are seen in those with the most severe self-reported depression. Beginning at one extreme of the normal distribution, the most likely thing to happen is simply for the outcome to move toward the mean over time, and that is exactly what is described in the study, though it is couched as being very significant, rather than completely expected. A proper accounting for this would require comparison to baseline progression of depression, anxiety, and suicidality among similar, severely-depressed youth among the general population.

    When I dig into this “gender affirming care” research, I so far find it is of low quality. First and foremost is the absence as far as I have found of experimental studies, which are obviously what is called for. The sample sizes are always low as well, and there is apparently bias on the part of at least some researchers “rooting” for a particular outcome in which they already believe. I haven’t seen anything yet which persuades me that these treatments really are effective, at least for any particular reason other than that something is being done that people believe will be effective.

  • Prof. Mark Davies’ ouster at BYU

    Mark Davies was a professor of linguistics at BYU who created tools for analyzing large collections of text, a method known as corpus analysis. He ran a website, corpus.byu.edu, where these text collections were available for anyone to use.

    The site, now at english-corpora.org, and Dr. Davies’ website, describe a process of administrator mismanagement that led to Dr. Davies’ departure in 2020, along with the corpus project and website. See here and here.

    I did my B.A. in linguistics at BYU, and remember watching with interest as the the corpus page developed. It’s disheartening to see that such a valuable academic resource doesn’t have a permanent home at BYU.

    Removing the name-naming text and links, I will quote thus:

    This permanent loss of funding support was a punitive action … after Mark informed the university of serious “financial malfeasance” by the College of Humanities regarding income from the English corpora. Subsequently, administrators at BYU refused to help resolve the issue, which is part of a culture of ignoring whistleblowers and “closing ranks” and promoting “yes men” at BYU.

    It is not overly surprising that BYU would pay such little attention to academic productivity, since the primary mission of BYU is religious in nature, rather than academic. In certain respects, BYU is more like a religious seminary than an actual university. As a result, some people at BYU don’t really understand how to support and protect projects that have real academic importance and significance.

    Of course, there are two (or more) sides to every story. Part of why I unlink the specific callouts is that I have no way of knowing beyond Dr. Davies’ own words.

    But the critique leveled against the university rings true for me. I’ve long since come to feel that BYU did me a disservice by shielding me from critical information about the LDS church, which was not at that time covered in any of the many religion classes I took, or any other class for that matter. It seems unconscionable to have so many professors of such high qualification, and none mention any potential issues with the church they represent, except obliquely, after hours.

    “The glory of God is intelligence; or, in other words, light and truth” – it was all over campus. But the glaring exception is casting light on, and discussing the truth about, the church itself.

    EDIT: The word “ousted” may be too strong – Dr. Davies chose to retire, but the withdrawal of funding was strong pressure on him to do so.

    NOTE: I originally posted this on Reddit, check the discussion there, including a response by Dr. Davies, also seen on his blog.

  • Decentralizing the Web… Again

    …cloud computing represents centralization of information and computing resources, which can be easily controlled by corporations and governments. [Jaeger, et al. Link]

    In the wake of Prismgate or the Snowden Affair or whatever we’re going to call this kerfuffle, I’ve been struck by how the current centralized nature of the World Wide Web has facilitated the surveillance. While the Web’s technical architecture is distributed—no single server is essential for the continued functioning of the overall system—in practice the economic realities of web-scale computing have encouraged a centralization of user data in a relatively small number of providers. These are the Googles and Facebooks of the world. These kingpins of the Internet also happen, by and large, to be American corporations. What a windfall this provided the NSA!

    This intense concentration of personal information is simply too valuable—for companies, governments, and individuals alike. It’s being abused, and will continue to be abused as long as it exists. But the Web and, more generally, the Internet are all about distributed systems. World Wide Web. Internetwork. It’s about lots of little nodes connected by the network. Would it be possible to reclaim the distributed heritage of the Web?

    Companies like Google actually use huge datacenters powered internally by distributed computation to power your web requests. What if that computation was moved from its central location out to the nodes of the wider network? There are at least two obstacles to this happening: the first is technical, the second is economic.

    Technical Requirements

    How can you run a world-class web application like those provided by Google, with no central servers? Many others have thought about this and worked toward a solution. Here’s the sort of system I would like to see:

    • Globally Distributed. That’s the point—no single node contains all or even a substantial minority of the data. Nor does any single nation.
    • Redundant. The loss of individual nodes is extremely unlikely to lead to data loss due to redundant backups.
    • General. It can run an email app, a social networking app, a web search app, a calendar app, and so on.
    • Private. Users decide what data to share with whom and under what circumstances.
    • Anonymous. Participation on an anonymous basis is possible.
    • Secure. Replicas of data are encrypted so the compromise of a distant node does not reveal personal information to those not authorized to view it.

    Many of these conditions are already met in cloud computing environments, but in controlled, centralized conditions. We should move distributed computing technologies out of the datacenter and onto the broader Internet.

    Economic Implications

    Now, the economics.

    The current centralized model is supported almost entirely through the advertising revenues of the central provider. You don’t pay for a Gmail account—at least, not with money. You pay by being subjected to advertising. And, if you respond to that advertising, you pay by buying things from advertisers. If you think about it, in this model, you aren’t even the customer—you are the product. Google sells access to you to advertisers. But all of this advertising revenue pays for the infrastructure so you don’t have to—the hardware, the manpower, the electricity, etc. This arrangement is easy for the average guy or gal, but has some definite downsides. The immortal words of Jeff Hammerbacher come to mind:

    “The best minds of my generation are thinking about how to make people click ads. That sucks.” [link]

    How could the average web user be induced to pay for their own server in a distributed web application? It should be noted that web users already pay for their web access—$50+ dollars per month to the ISP. What if that fee included a server that was their home base on the web? A cheap, fault-tolerant photo storage service? A highly secure social networking endpoint? A super-fast email app, without the creepy targeted ads? I admit it’s a tough sell. I don’t know the whole answer. If it requires more than minimal additional work by users, the prospect is doomed. But if it provides a better, easier, safer experience—the premium web experience—then perhaps people will pay a little more? Dalton Caldwell’s App.net experiment is very relevant here.

    But what if that’s the wrong question, and we should be asking, How could the average web user continue to receive free web applications without the support of advertising revenue? How could this possibly be done? By establishing a global-scale computation marketplace. So you buy a computer—tablet, phone, laptop, desktop, it doesn’t matter—and connect it to a distributed social network application. It contains your social network data and serves it to any requesting information about you (only giving out the information you want it to, of course.) You want your data to be available while you’re offline, though, so you offer payment (via Bitcoin or something similar) to any who will host your data, up to a limit of 5 copies, with payment depending on the historical uptime of each node. But others on the network also want backups, and you take payments in exchange for hosting their data. Want to search the social network? Provide micropayments to nodes to induce them to participate; receive micropayments for helping other nodes make their own searches.

    Those who require more resources will spend money to facilitate searches, backups, etc. Those who require less resources may earn money by renting out their mostly-idle server. Perhaps the average user, by renting their computer out to users of various distributed applications earns as much as they spend. Thus the application is free and is not funded by advertisers but by power-users, whose interests are more aligned with the interests of the general userbase.